http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/N07289777.htm
By Matt Spetalnick
WASHINGTON, Jan 8 (Reuters) - Leaders of the new Democratic-controlled Congress are vowing to fight it. An elite panel on Iraq has shown little enthusiasm for it. And even some military commanders are deeply skeptical about it.
Still, President George W. Bush is expected to shrug off those concerns and unveil plans to send more troops to Iraq, setting the stage for the most intense debate on the war since the U.S.-led invasion almost four years ago.
Bush is to make a televised address to Americans on his new Iraq plan on Wednesday at 9 p.m. (0200 GMT).
By going ahead with a troop increase, Bush is again proclaiming himself the "decider" as he tries to reassert his relevance after coming out on the losing end of a congressional power shift, analysts say.
Though weakened by his Republican Party's defeat in November's elections, he seems to be staking out his turf for continuing to prosecute an increasingly unpopular war that is likely to define his presidential legacy.
"He's still commander-in-chief and he wants to do it his way," said Michael McFaul, a foreign policy expert at the Hoover Institution. "But it's too little, too late."
Advocates of boosting troop levels, a proposal White House officials call the "surge" option, argue that more forces are needed to secure Baghdad and help rescue the war effort.
But critics fault Bush for refusing to admit the invasion was a mistake, failing to commit enough forces in the first place and now opting to deepen U.S. involvement -- though only incrementally -- to try to avert all-out sectarian civil war.
Bush's challenge will be selling the plan, which could add 20,000 soldiers to the 132,000 already in Iraq, to a war-weary American public despite doubts inside and outside the administration that it will make much of a difference.
LITTLE SIGN OF BENDING
Bush shows little sign of bending to critics, apparently believing history will vindicate him for a war that has killed more than 3,000 U.S. soldiers and tens of thousands of Iraqis.
He has already dismissed many of the main recommendations of the bipartisan Iraq Study Group, whose report last month called for a pullback of most combat forces by early 2008.
Instead, Bush seems to be doing what the panel urged against -- picking and choosing from its package of interlocking ideas.
Some commentators say his resistance may stem in part from resentment over the implicit condemnation by old Washington insiders like former Secretary of State James Baker, a Bush family loyalist who co-chaired the group.
It buried any mention of boosting troop numbers on page 73 of its report, and even then maintained that any increase should be short-term and carried out only if commanders backed the idea.
With generals raising misgivings about risks of higher U.S. casualties and overstretched forces, Bush has moved to replace them with military men more in step with his thinking.
Aside from a few neoconservative scholars, the leading voices pushing for more troops have been Republican Sen. John McCain of Arizona and independent Sen. Joseph Lieberman of Connecticut. Like Bush, both see Baghdad as the linchpin for stabilizing Iraq.
The administration wants to keep the troop influx limited, in part to avoid the appearance of a last-ditch bid to pacify the capital, where there is no guarantee of success.
Should the effort fail, analysts believe a main culprit will be a lack of political will on the part of Shi'ite Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki for achieving national reconciliation.
Even then, few experts think Bush would use that as political cover for starting a phased troop withdrawal that polls show the American public overwhelmingly favors.
Most expect him instead to dig in his heels against congressional Democrats' attempts to force him to set an exit strategy, mindful that they are unlikely to resort to cutting off funding to the troops.
"This is a president who doesn't change his mind easily, and he's decided to tough it out in Iraq to the bitter end, even if it makes no sense," said Joseph Cirincione of the Center for American Progress, a liberal Washington think tank.